Muhammad Mahfouz is a writer and researcher, born in 1966 in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s Eastern Province. In addition to issues important to the Gulf, the Arab world, and the world at large, he is one of the Saudi authors who actively express honest and consistent opinions on Saudi national issues.
He consistently explores the depths of numerous complex and significant local, regional, and global issues to expose them, reveal their circumstances, and find solutions to their problems. His output and writings are varied.
Interview by: Mohsen Hassan
Muhammad Mahfouz generally brings up issues of thought, modernity, and civilisation. From a research and academic standpoint, he is cautious to address—through his various works—the core of economic, political, and strategic issues as well as social and other issues that impact the country and society.
He oversees the editorial office of Al-Kalima magazine, which reports on Islamic intellectual affairs, and writes for the Saudi daily Al-Riyadh. In addition, he oversees the Afaq Centre for Research and Studies.
His books and publications include “The Nation and the State: From Disconnection to Reconciliation to Building the Future,” “Presence and Acculturation: The Arab Intellectual and the Challenges of Globalisation,” “Political Reform and National Unity: How to Build a Nation for Coexistence,” “Religious Liberation: The Civil State as a Path,” “Interfaith Dialogue and Issues of Freedom and Participation,” as well as numerous others.
In this interview, Muhammad Mahfouz discussed Saudi affairs and their local, regional, and global ramifications with Arabisk London.
Firstly, how well do you believe the Kingdom’s foreign policy and relations are following regional and global trends?
In my opinion, the Kingdom’s present policies allow society and the state to stay up to date with political developments and events. Because the new vision of the Kingdom, whose foundations were laid and whose execution is supervised by His Royal Highness Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz, can build the national capacities that enable everyone to stay up to date with global economic and political events and developments.
Regarding the regional reconciliations with Qatar, Iran, and Syria, how does Muhammad Mahfouz see and feel about them?
The region as a whole requires profound political stability so that its nations can carry on with their development and economic initiatives. Deep political reconciliations are necessary to allow for further modernisation and advancements in economics and development, as the region has recently experienced challenging political periods. As a result, we view every step towards profound political reconciliation as a genuine chance to advance economic development.
Do you think these reconciliations have produced results, or is there still uncertainty? What are your expectations for their future? Continuity or starting from scratch?
Stopping Arab decline and establishing the political and economic framework that allows all the region’s nations to start economic development and construction projects are the main goals of political reconciliations in the Arab world. Political reconciliation initiatives don’t need the same opinions on every topic. Instead, it is necessary to continue economic development that benefits all the region’s people and not to impede the possibility of profound political stability.
How do you personally evaluate the scope and character of Saudi Arabia’s influence and presence in Lebanon? And what about this framework’s future?
The stability of Lebanon and its recovery from the grip of civil war are unmistakably influenced by the Kingdom. All parties in this nation have drafted agreements to put an end to the civil war and to further solidify the basis of political stability for all Lebanese, thanks in part to the Kingdom’s sponsorship of each of them.
By supporting the Taif Agreement, which gave all parties equal access to political management and governance, the Kingdom exemplified its role. The Kingdom’s presence in Lebanon will help to resolve all the structural issues that this fraternal nation faces and promote national reconciliation among Lebanese citizens.
Which is better for Arab governments and peoples, in your opinion—being more open to Iran or being more cautious about it, particularly at this point?
Adjacent to the Arabian Gulf, Iran is a social and religious reality. The fact that the Arab Gulf states, and we have different political, security, and religious perspectives, won’t alter the fact that we are neighbours and have many things in common, including geography, religion, and social ties.
It is my opinion that the Arab Gulf states should work with Iran to develop a Gulf-Arab project, as long as they consider several crucial factors. The first is that the Gulf and Iran must continue on the path of Islamic unity, and that Iran’s devotion to Shi’ism does not excuse its dissemination of its ideology across the region. In turn, the Gulf states are accountable for fortifying the ties of Islamic unity.
The second is the need to acknowledge that continuing communication and dialogue between Iran and the Gulf states is the only way to resolve political and security divides and inequalities.
This can be accomplished by drafting trade and economic agreements that eventually lead to political agreements that assist all the nations in the region in resolving the issues that have caused them to disagree and differ from Iran. Iran must then take on the duty of establishing agreements with the nations in the region and establishing sincere and safe ties with them, which will be advantageous to everyone in terms of politics, economy, and security.
Can we anticipate a thorough reexamination that will alter Iran’s internal circumstances and its foreign policy stances on regional and global concerns?
Iran’s political and strategic issues, in my opinion, are firmly focused on enhancing its options and ties with every nation in the region. In order to take advantage of these changes and use them to improve relations between the Arabs and the Iranians, we need to look closely at them.
With Trump back in the White House, what do you think will happen to Washington-Riyadh relations?
Under Donald Trump, the United States and Saudi Arabia will maintain their political and economic ties as long as their interests align. I anticipate that the United States will embrace the two-state solution in Palestine, which the Kingdom and all Arab nations have accepted, during Trump’s second term.
Will Riyadh’s long-suspended security ambitions receive a response from Washington?
I believe that under Trump, the US will address Saudi aspirations without jeopardising Saudi Arabia’s special standing.
Are the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) facing more or fewer threats? How competitive do you think its members are, both politically and economically?
Although there will still be political disagreements, all Gulf states will continue to work towards the Gulf Cooperation Council, and all Gulf parties will support this course of action.
Does Muhammad Mahfouz believe that Saudi Arabia’s ties with the BRICS countries will deteriorate or be subject to varying balances once Trump returns to the White House?
Political flexibility will be the basis for US-Saudi relations, regardless of regional and global political and economic conditions. Because the Kingdom is depending on political and economic diversification under the leadership of His Royal Highness Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and it looks like this vision will continue in the days ahead. This flexibility will enable the Kingdom to pursue the BRICS option.
What, in conclusion, will happen to the Saudi economy once oil is gone and depleted? Has the Kingdom done enough to prepare for this eventuality?
The Kingdom has acknowledged this possibility and endeavoured to diversify its revenue streams and economy since King Salman bin Abdulaziz’s reign, when Prince Mohammed bin Salman was appointed Crown Prince. As time goes on, we will learn that the Kingdom is not dependent on any one economic element.
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